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She's lived over three hundred years as one, and boasts about how her innocent appearance makes killing easier. Topic Locked. Skyrim Adult Mods.

Existing user? Sign in anonymously. Is Babette considered Loli? Recommended Posts. Posted April 28, Share this post Link to post.

Miyu Miyu. Unless you're blind and deaf, she's a child. Dont bother. I just looks stupid and nothing else. Sural Argonus. Extract from rules, N " As we are typically associated as being an adult pornographic community, we will not allow any sort of nudity or sexual content involving characters that could be seen as depicting somebody as underage.

For further details on this matter, check the related announcement ". This topic is now closed to further replies. Go To Topic Listing.

Anyone who's ever worked with children knows that being sweet and wholesome all day is exhausting. As soon as you go on break you want to do a shot of vodka or tell a filthy joke, because otherwise all the saccharine innocence would drive you crazy.

That's why the teacher's lounge always smelled like cigarettes and cursing. The cast and crew of children's TV are no exception, except when they unwind, they tend to do it in ways that forever color our memories of our favorite cartoons and Nickelodeon game shows with the knowledge that nefarious boner jokes were lurking just off-screen.

The campy, absurdist pop art masterpiece was a huge hit with kids who took it at face value as the unfiltered adventures of one of their favorite superheroes, and adults who praised the show for its deadpan silliness.

The show was so huge that Adam West got to fly to Italy and meet the Pope while extremely hung over. For some reason, the show's two leads were especially popular with women, because there is apparently nothing sexier than a man in an ill-fitting bat costume and his cherubic adult sidekick.

And Ward minces no words telling everyone and anyone about his green-shorted sexual escapades. According to Ward's autobiography, Boy Wonder: My Life in Tights , female humans couldn't wait to throw themselves at him and his co-star.

As Ward put it, "Everyone wanted our Bat Sperm in every orifice. As if to prove that this anecdote had plenty of room to get way creepier, Ward goes on to describe himself and his co-star as "sexual vampires" who had "super hero sex with young fans".

The show's popularity fizzled, and it was cancelled after three seasons. West struggled with typecasting and drunken public appearances for years before eventually finding voice-over work on shows like Family Guy , in which he plays Mayor Adam West, the role he was born to play.

As for Ward, when he isn't trying like hell to convince the world that he invented a brand of pet food that will give your dogs eternal life According to Ward, the same fleshy man cannon that frequently found itself being fought over by swarms of enthusiastic Batman fans also rivals Harley Quinn's hammer in length, girth, and ability to pulverize.

It was so big that when Ward tried to stuff "the Beast in the Bat trunks" one of Ward's many nicknames for his penis into those skimpy green shorts, studio execs were fielding complaints from the National Legion of Decency, who were offended by Robin's bulge.

The costume designers futilely tried to hide the protrusion using various restraints and even layering Robin's green underwear. When all that failed, the studio sent him to a less than reputable doctor who prescribed a course of mystery pills that would supposedly "shrink" the Boy Wonder's wonder.

Luckily, Ward stopped taking them before any bodily damage was done. He is emphatically clear on this point. Shockingly, it's been suggested that Ward's creeptastic claims are wildly exaggerated.

The only source to any of these claims is Ward's autobiography, released by a publishing company that A is owned by Ward, and 2 has never published another book.

Though to be fair, West confirmed in his own autobiography that the costume designers needed to find a way to reduce Robin's bulge to make it appropriate for prime time TV, but that could just as easily be attributed to the fact that Robin was wearing a tiny pair of underpants.

Ward, we should note, spends a significant portion of his memoir accusing West of being envious of "the monster" another official Ward dick name and embarrassed of the inferior size of his own Batmanaconda.

Whether or not this specific accusation is true, we now know that in every single episode of Batman , Robin was silently thinking up new names for the crotch bulge he was convinced everyone around him was staring at.

Double Dare , one of the pillars of Nickelodeon's empire, was a family game show that combined trivia with physical challenges, most of which involved attempting to drown children with vats of green slime.

The charmingly low-budget show was hosted by the enthusiastic Marc Summers, who reveled in pieing moms in the face, stumping dads with inane questions, and steering a ship of rowdy crew members who apparently needed more adult supervision than the contestants.

Not that we'd get much down with a slime-soaked obstacle course around, either. Nickelodeon may have prided itself on its "Kids Rule" philosophy, but according to Summers, the backstage of Double Dare "was like being in a fraternity.

There might have been a little experimentation going on there," says Summers, which, in addition to being one of the most terrifyingly vague statements ever given, is almost certainly a reference to mountains of cocaine.

Speaking of drugs, the omnipresent green slime, called Gak, was actually a street term for heroin coined in s Philadelphia.

This alien semen bouillabaisse was dumped on everyone and everything, so the crew thought it would be hilarious to name it after one of the most life-derailing drugs in modern history.

Nickelodeon even marketed a line of toys proudly bearing the Gak label, completely unaware of what that word actually meant. But while the crew was mischievous, they never caused any real trouble for Nickelodeon.

They left that up to the contestants. Summers made it a habit to smash cream pies in the face of nearly every parent on the show, because children delight in the subjugation of their elders, but one mother decided to sue Nickelodeon, claiming she was no longer able to have sex as a result of Summers' wanton pie-facing.

Warner Bros. Bob Saget began his career as a stand-up comedian slinging excruciatingly filthy dick jokes, so of course he was the natural choice to star as the Christ-like widower Danny Tanner in the classic family sitcom Full House.

He had to put all the asshole-blasting boner jokes into a bag while in character, but that didn't keep the real Saget from bursting to the surface like the shark from Jaws whenever the cameras stopped rolling.

In one incident, Saget and his co-stars, Dave Coulier and John Stamos, were waiting for their scenes to start. Understandably bored, because they were filming Full fucking House , they snuck into the prop room, grabbed several cans of whipped cream that were meant to be used for a birthday scene, and tried to get high off the nitrous oxide.

We'll be honest -- Full House would have been way better if all of the adults were perpetually higher than orbiting telescopes. Saget also had a habit of drawing penises all over his scripts during meetings with the writers and producers.

He was so full of dick jokes he simply could not keep them bottled up inside for an entire meeting and exploded like a balloon full of spiders.

Saget would often rehearse with a 4-foot rubber doll that served as a stand-in for his TV daughter Michelle, because some liberal do-gooder passed a law that says you can only force children to work a certain number of hours per day unless they're working on a farm , at which point it's open season.

Saget being Saget, it was only a matter of time before he decided to incorporate his inflatable rehearsal buddy into a hilarious improv comedy routine, which is another way of saying "he pretended to fuck that doll.

Ironically, the resulting videotape would have been a perfect submission to America's Funniest Home Videos. Harlan Ellison is equally legendary for his tremendous contribution to science fiction and his tremendous contribution to the field of being an arrogant, litigious jackass.

This is a man who once mailed bricks and a dead gopher to his publishing house over a contractual dispute, which isn't burning a bridge so much as chopping the bridge's legs off and making it watch as you throw its parents into a volcano.

Pip R. In , Ellison was fresh off a job writing for Star Trek , and consequently was also fresh off a bitter feud with Star Trek creator Gene Roddenberry.

Despite everything we just told you, Ellison was inexplicably hired as a writer by Walt Disney Studios, possibly because the recently frozen head of Walt Disney had heard through the grapevine that Ellison was a man who was so goddamned scary, Death wouldn't come within five miles of wherever he happened to be at any given moment.

On Ellison's very first day he was greeted with a parking spot with his name freshly stenciled on it, a two-room office, a private bathroom, and his own secretary.

His coworkers were a staff of writers he knew and respected. It was a dream job. So naturally, Ellison wound up burning it all to the ground almost immediately.

Katie Rommel-Esham. Ellison soon joined his new colleagues for lunch, because no one actually works on their first day at a big company. Wanting to make an impression as a fun, irreverent guy, and blessed with an impeccable Mickey Mouse impersonation, he proposed a hardcore Disney porno that "rips the lid off the goody two-shoes hypocrisy that lies sweltering beneath the surface of G-rated true-life adventures.

Tinkerbell Rule 34 Video

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I agree even tho she was born a couple hundred years prior, doesn't change the fact that she is still a child. Unless you do a replacer for her with an older body, then LL will say no way.

This includes any character that could be seen as loli, shota, child, or underage teen, regardless of it's position as a virtual character or the intent to be passed off as a mystical race who only looks young; the only thing that matters in this respect is what the character appears to be at a glance.

She's lived over three hundred years as one, and boasts about how her innocent appearance makes killing easier.

Topic Locked. Skyrim Adult Mods. Existing user? Sign in anonymously. Is Babette considered Loli? Recommended Posts.

Posted April 28, Share this post Link to post. The crits argue that choices made in judgments cannot be made from within the law but need to be made with reference to the politics and history of ideology.

As a result of this overwhelming subjectivity there can be no possibility of such a thing as pure legal reasoning. Indeed, legal doctrine is merely an empty vessel into which the value choices of the judge are poured.

The liberal basis of the rule of law is also said to be subject to fundamental and irreconcilable contradictions.

Liberalism is seen as. These contradictory values are reflected in virtually all our common law and statutory concepts and rights.

The necessary outcome of a contradictory liberal philosophy and a subjective legal reasoning is that law is indeterminate at its core, in its very inception, not just in its applications.

Law as both an ideology and a technique cannot generate a single, non-contradictory set of outcomes.

There are degrees to which this idea is accepted. Some crits believe that a determinate answer can never be given, others believe rules at least provide guidance but not assurance of outcome.

Either way, the CLS approach towards indeterminancy has opened up the possibility of the infinite manipulation of legal principle and the consequent collapse of the rule of law.

Marxism was always critical of bourgeois formal equality and the associated values of general law being applied neutrally.

In class instrumentalist versions of Marxism the rule of law is seen as a form of dominant ideology created and molded by a dominant class, in whose interests the law ultimately serves.

Marx argued that the bourgeoisie actually rules through the law but makes it independent of the personal arbitrariness of each individual. Bourgeois rule is the average rule where:.

Their personal power is based on conditions of life which as they develop are common to many individuals, and the continuance of which they, as ruling individuals, have to maintain against others, and, at the same time, to maintain that they hold good for everybody.

The expression of their common interests is made through law and so the rule of law becomes the form in which the bourgeoisie can formulate and impose something which approaches a class will.

The beneficiaries of this system of universal legal personalities are obviously going to be the capitalists whose conditions of life are worth maintaining.

The rule of law defines rights and equities that are separate from the actual lived experience of most individuals. The very universality and formality of the rule of law, its impersonal nature, is what furthers the interests of the bourgeoisie and what dominates those who fall outside its boundaries.

Furthermore the bourgeoisie play an instrumental role in the creation and operation of this law. This is not to presume that the law is somehow controlled by the bourgeoisie.

Indeed, the rule of law, as bourgeois law exists, in a form beyond individual manipulation. This is why it is useful to the bourgeoisie.

The appeal of the rule of law to the bourgeois is its valuelessness. The ideology of the rule of law comes to be the natural fulfillment of a legal system of equal legal subjects.

The domination caused by the rule of law is not its special preference for bourgeois interests but its refusal to provide special protection for the powerless and special control of the powerful.

As such its existence is not part of a conspiracy but it still remains as a form of domination. In feminism, the neutrality and objectivity of the rule of law once again become questionable once the hierarchies within the private sphere are recognised.

Indeed, there are ways in which the rule of law positively constructs the family and the place of women within it. The good woman is the female counterpart of the legal man.

The legal man can appear detached and autonomous because he can afford to be. His private sphere is in order. Therefore behind the ideology of the market and the legal man lies the accepted ideology of maternalism and the legal woman.

Consequently, the idea of equality in its formal sense as used in the rule of law and liberal feminism is clearly inadequate.

Similarly, the more substantive concepts of equality as employed by Dworkin and others also continue to be inadequate as the masculinist ideologies still remain firmly entrenched.

In conjunction with the failure of equality is the collapse of the generality of law and its supposedly neutral and universal standpoint.

In all three critical movements there is a recognition of the arbitrary political nature of law. Because of the failure of legal reasoning, the liberal claim that law is separate from politics is considered by CLS to be a falsehood.

There are similarities between this approach and that of the Marxist critique of law as being the embodiment of market relationships. Feminist approaches also help to illustrate the political nature of law, highlighting the deeply wrought forms of discrimination within legal concepts and legal techniques such as in rape trials.

Both Marxism and CLS have categorised the rule of law as a form of ideology and seek to deny its validity on this ground.

What is ideology? We can understand the rule of law as a form of social consciousness developed in correspondence to a particular material form of life and, therefore, it is an ideological construct.

Neutral ideology refers to systems of thought that attempt a complete understanding of ideas. The class which dominates social relations has a primary role in dissemination of a dominant ideological viewpoint.

The form that this type of ideology takes is universal. The dominant class has to present its ideas as the only rational, universally valid ones.

When viewed in this manner, the rule of law can be seen as negatively ideological, in the way that it justifies or renders invisible, materially unequal social relations.

The closure of a negative ideology forces it to stagnate and it reproduces alienated and repressive social relations. These ideas of contradiction and incoherence are also central to the CLS critique of the rule of law.

The CLS critique begins with examinations of the incoherence of legal doctrine and continues the critique to discover conflicting ideals within the liberal legal system.

The third alternative reading of ideology within Marxism is that of the false consciousness. The categorisation of belief in the rule of law as false consciousness pervades most of the CLS works.

Each society is characterised by a dominant form of legitimation and type of legal rationality , and each has particular characteristics and internal contradictions that mark it as a separate type of order.

Hence the law takes the form of logically formal rational rules, characterised by a formalistic impersonality , which is in turn a feature of the generality created by the rule of law.

These societies and their legal systems are marked by individualism and market orientation. Hence they have been classed by Kamenka and Tay as Gesellschaften.

The success of the Gesellschaft form of law and the legitimating ideology of the rule of law secures for the legal system a high degree of autonomy.

The focus on rules helps to minimise official discretion and a corresponding preoccupation with procedure overcomes concerns for substantive justice.

Additionally, the legal system is further rationalised by the influx of trained lawyers, who are schooled in the analysis of legal forms. But as capitalism began to mature and the reality of social inequality asserted itself over the ideology of the free market, there is an increasing disenchantment with formal legal rationality.

Growing demands for equality lead to an expansion in the role of the state. Furthermore the traditional distinction between the public and private spheres that characterised the bourgeois formal law breaks down so that the state comes to interfere even in the heart of private law contract.

The bureaucratic-administrative trend expands the scope of the resource allocation function [] of the state with a subsequent increase in the number of interactions between the state and the economic base.

Friedmann [] has summarised some of these as:. The combination of these factors suggests that the legal systems of the Western world are undergoing a profound crisis leading to a dismantling of the rule of law concept.

If the current theories which support the rule of law are liberal, and if those liberal theories cannot deal with the above criticisms, what is left of the rule of law to salvage?

How can the sovereignty of law survive in a society where formally rational law is on the decline? And, more importantly, why should it? But what they fail to acknowledge is the way that reciprocity is secured as an ideological foundation of the legal system.

The rule-follower appears to be the passive recipient of domination in these theories. However, the relationship between state and citizen as envisioned in the rule of law is not so one-dimensional.

Indeed it is possible to argue that the rule of law provides a normative standard with which law-followers can measure the performance of the law-givers.

The rule of law therefore has a normative or ethical function. A commitment to reciprocity, secured by the rule of law, also entails a commitment to rationality in law.

Not every measure of the sovereign, and not only the measures of the sovereign, are law. Law is here a norm which is intelligible and contains an ethical postulate which is frequently that of equality.

Law, then, is ratio and not necessarily voluntas [the will of the sovereign] at the same time. How does general and rational law secure reciprocity?

It does this by maintaining an openness or transparency of legal language. Assume, for example, that the primary function of the legal system is to process normative conflicts that arise in everyday life.

Most of these conflicts are solved at the level of the everyday, but those that cannot be so solved eventually find their way into the legal system.

Ideally, the legal system should be able to solve the conflict and lay down a norm which can be fed back into the life of the community, in effect so as to be absorbed into the life-plans of social actors.

General laws help to maintain this function by creating a minimum standard of transparency in legal language, a minimum of accessible rationality, which allows claims to be made and processed by the legal system.

Any legal system which does not have a minimum transparency will prevent some types of people from having their normative claims decided or, alternatively, where the principle of equality is abandoned, the capacity of the legal system to listen to the normative claims of those considered as minorities or outsiders is removed altogether.

While the original purpose behind the law may have been to further the production process and the rights of property holders, the promises of certainty, generality and equality began to take hold in popular consciousness.

The normative force of the rule of law began to be counter-productive to hegemonising forces. Thompson argued that the potential of rule of law ideology was not that it was purely a mask for class power, but that it was a mask that was made available to lower classes for the first time.

That state has now disappeared. Winterton has stated that:. Parliamentary sovereignty reduces the rule of law to a constitutional posture rather than a hard-edged legal principle.

However, in the last ten years this version of parliamentary sovereignty has undergone serious challenge. Other recent attempts have focused on setting the rule of law as the foundational principle of judicial review, which, when breached, would allow judges to strike down legislative and administrative action.

For example, T R S Allan is prominent amongst jurists for his attempt to have the rule of law principle seen as a constitutional doctrine of equal strength to parliamentary supremacy.

More recently, Allan has stated that:. The distinction which I formerly drew so sharply, between the interpretation of statutes, on the one hand, and a refusal to apply them in cases of serious injustice, on the other, was probably mistaken.

If political morality justifies a restrictive interpretation of legislation infringing basic rights, I believe it must also justify its disapplication in cases of sufficient gravity.

The limits on the power of a democratic majority to achieve its legislative will are ultimately to be found in the common law; and the common law is too subtle to tolerate the absurdity - even the constitutional contradiction - of wholly unlimited legislative power.

Allan argues that:. For example, in Kartinyeri v The Commonwealth [55] Gummow and Hayne JJ stated the occasion had yet to arise where the High Court could examine the role of the rule of law in the Australian Constitution.

Only Kirby J commented on fundamental norms, his comment being directed to the use of international human rights norms in statutory interpretation, not with fundamental common law rights.

Similarly, the High Court has refused to invalidate state based legislation for the confiscation of property, in cases where the State seeks to compulsorily acquire property without just terms, [58] and where the property is acquired on grounds that it belonged to a person charged with a serious offence.

I will now turn to a critical examination of those liberal underpinnings. Part One has illustrated the liberal underpinnings of the rule of law and the current role it is playing in debates about common law constitutionalism.

In this Part, I will summarise the criticisms that have been levelled at legal systems relying on the liberal rule of law.

These criticisms go to the heart of the current liberal debates. Perhaps more distressingly, the current debates have not taken these criticisms seriously and there has been no systematic examination of whether the liberal positions can withstand these criticisms.

It has been argued that the rule of law relies at its heart on a particular conception of the legal subject. Marxism and feminist movements have been particularly critical of this conception, and attempt to show how it is not a natural product but rather the outcome of particular social forces.

This naturalisation of the legal person has been said to involve a logic of identity, that being, an ideology of sameness. Marxism, with its emphasis on historical materialism, believes that legal relations are merely expressions of the relations of production.

As such people relate to each other as property owners in a market which requires them to have equal status but not equal material status.

The real social and material characteristics of the relationships are concealed by this notion of the legal person.

Soviet jurist Evgeny Pashukanis argued that the essence of capitalistic law is found in the rights and duties of legal individuals, equal before the law.

Without such a system of recognition the market for commodities would not function. The rule of law and the constructed legal individual are therefore the direct fulfillment of the commodity form of relations.

Feminist movements have also criticised the way the legal person is constructed, but with a concentration on the sex-gender aspects of the construction.

The construction of the legal person relies on the notion of a separate, autonomous and rational being who approximates a man capable of employing rights aggressively and assertively and in ways that follow rules.

The formal law cannot see the way women are tied to a private sphere in which they are disempowered. To the extent that the rule of law describes ways of protecting individuals from public powers, it ignores the manifest exercise of private powers.

Formalism is central to the rule of law as it purports to limit judicial creativity via the process of legal reasoning. Without it, judges would decide as they wish, without direction or limitation.

Formalism, in this way, preserves the difference between politics and law. Crits see formalism as a manifestation of ideology which perpetuates the myth that rules are applied according to a rational, neutral and objective method.

The crits argue that choices made in judgments cannot be made from within the law but need to be made with reference to the politics and history of ideology.

As a result of this overwhelming subjectivity there can be no possibility of such a thing as pure legal reasoning.

Indeed, legal doctrine is merely an empty vessel into which the value choices of the judge are poured. The liberal basis of the rule of law is also said to be subject to fundamental and irreconcilable contradictions.

Liberalism is seen as. These contradictory values are reflected in virtually all our common law and statutory concepts and rights.

The necessary outcome of a contradictory liberal philosophy and a subjective legal reasoning is that law is indeterminate at its core, in its very inception, not just in its applications.

Law as both an ideology and a technique cannot generate a single, non-contradictory set of outcomes. There are degrees to which this idea is accepted.

Some crits believe that a determinate answer can never be given, others believe rules at least provide guidance but not assurance of outcome.

Either way, the CLS approach towards indeterminancy has opened up the possibility of the infinite manipulation of legal principle and the consequent collapse of the rule of law.

Marxism was always critical of bourgeois formal equality and the associated values of general law being applied neutrally. In class instrumentalist versions of Marxism the rule of law is seen as a form of dominant ideology created and molded by a dominant class, in whose interests the law ultimately serves.

Marx argued that the bourgeoisie actually rules through the law but makes it independent of the personal arbitrariness of each individual. Bourgeois rule is the average rule where:.

Their personal power is based on conditions of life which as they develop are common to many individuals, and the continuance of which they, as ruling individuals, have to maintain against others, and, at the same time, to maintain that they hold good for everybody.

The expression of their common interests is made through law and so the rule of law becomes the form in which the bourgeoisie can formulate and impose something which approaches a class will.

The beneficiaries of this system of universal legal personalities are obviously going to be the capitalists whose conditions of life are worth maintaining.

The rule of law defines rights and equities that are separate from the actual lived experience of most individuals.

The very universality and formality of the rule of law, its impersonal nature, is what furthers the interests of the bourgeoisie and what dominates those who fall outside its boundaries.

Furthermore the bourgeoisie play an instrumental role in the creation and operation of this law. This is not to presume that the law is somehow controlled by the bourgeoisie.

Indeed, the rule of law, as bourgeois law exists, in a form beyond individual manipulation. This is why it is useful to the bourgeoisie.

The appeal of the rule of law to the bourgeois is its valuelessness. The ideology of the rule of law comes to be the natural fulfillment of a legal system of equal legal subjects.

The domination caused by the rule of law is not its special preference for bourgeois interests but its refusal to provide special protection for the powerless and special control of the powerful.

As such its existence is not part of a conspiracy but it still remains as a form of domination. In feminism, the neutrality and objectivity of the rule of law once again become questionable once the hierarchies within the private sphere are recognised.

Indeed, there are ways in which the rule of law positively constructs the family and the place of women within it. The good woman is the female counterpart of the legal man.

The legal man can appear detached and autonomous because he can afford to be. His private sphere is in order.

Therefore behind the ideology of the market and the legal man lies the accepted ideology of maternalism and the legal woman.

Consequently, the idea of equality in its formal sense as used in the rule of law and liberal feminism is clearly inadequate. Similarly, the more substantive concepts of equality as employed by Dworkin and others also continue to be inadequate as the masculinist ideologies still remain firmly entrenched.

In conjunction with the failure of equality is the collapse of the generality of law and its supposedly neutral and universal standpoint.

In all three critical movements there is a recognition of the arbitrary political nature of law. Because of the failure of legal reasoning, the liberal claim that law is separate from politics is considered by CLS to be a falsehood.

There are similarities between this approach and that of the Marxist critique of law as being the embodiment of market relationships.

Feminist approaches also help to illustrate the political nature of law, highlighting the deeply wrought forms of discrimination within legal concepts and legal techniques such as in rape trials.

Both Marxism and CLS have categorised the rule of law as a form of ideology and seek to deny its validity on this ground.

What is ideology? We can understand the rule of law as a form of social consciousness developed in correspondence to a particular material form of life and, therefore, it is an ideological construct.

Neutral ideology refers to systems of thought that attempt a complete understanding of ideas. The class which dominates social relations has a primary role in dissemination of a dominant ideological viewpoint.

The form that this type of ideology takes is universal. The dominant class has to present its ideas as the only rational, universally valid ones.

When viewed in this manner, the rule of law can be seen as negatively ideological, in the way that it justifies or renders invisible, materially unequal social relations.

The closure of a negative ideology forces it to stagnate and it reproduces alienated and repressive social relations.

These ideas of contradiction and incoherence are also central to the CLS critique of the rule of law. The CLS critique begins with examinations of the incoherence of legal doctrine and continues the critique to discover conflicting ideals within the liberal legal system.

The third alternative reading of ideology within Marxism is that of the false consciousness.

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